About Teaching, Academic Life, Politics, and History
We traveled to the town close to the national forest only to discover this street:
I am wondering what kind of people are willing to live on a street with this name? I will not be moving to Paris, Arkansas. I guess if it is a sundown town, this street sign did it for me. Oh, it is adjacent to a church. I do favor free speech, but you must wonder about the people in a community that would allow this.
I spend a bit of time in my United States History course talking about the greatness of Malcolm X; I do contend that by his death he had not reasoned with his hate, but instead, moved past it towards a conclusion of racial reconciliation. I will admit that I admire Malcolm X — not so much for his early views on segregation and a violent revolution, but for his change; it was his change and the power he held that scared many black nationalist Muslims. While presenting at a seminar in the Dallas area last summer, I came across this street: N. Malcolm X BLVD. As always, I could not help but notice that many of the schools and streets named after black civil rights leaders are located on the lower socioeconomic side of cities — the black side, whereas it is not unusual to find schools such as Abraham Lincoln or Thomas Jefferson located in black communities, too… but one does not see too many schools named after King in the upper side of communities.
After Martin Luther King Jr. gave his “I Have a Dream Speech” in Washington D.C., Malcolm X would state — as noted:
The Negroes were out there in the streets. They were talking about how they were going to march on Washington…. That they were going to march on Washington, march on the senate, march on the White House, march on Congress, and tie it up, bring it to a halt, not let the government proceed. They even said they were going out to the airport and lay down on the runway and not let any airplanes land. I’m telling you what they said. That was revolution. That was revolution. That was the black revolution.
Malcolm X was able to capture the ears of many blacks who grew frustrated with America’s lack of political and economic progress for them. Moreover, with that heighten sense for change, King started to see his voice silenced within many of the black community. Thus king would write in his Letter from a Birmingham Jail:
You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self respect and a sense of “somebodiness” that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle-class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various black nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and best known being Elijah Muhammad’s Muslim movement. Nourished by the Negro’s frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination, this movement is made up of people who have lost faith in America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man is an incorrigible “devil.”
King had become aware of the challenges of Malcolm X and many black nationalist groups; his voice was soft and passive, though he was a very powerful and articulate speaker. Black’s sense of Christianity was one of division. Why follow a church and a God that allows such hatred to take place — many contended; King also feared the evils of materialism and comfort as many who made up the black bourgeoisie became comfortable with their status in life. As I stated before, today the black middle class is far more conservative than many realize.
The debate over true liberalism among blacks still exist. I have found the upper black middle class to be far more conservative and less active towards civil rights and social policy of late. I am concerned that the black bourgeoisie is willing to shift its focus away from the liberalism that put them in their position for racial acceptance. I believe integration is vital to a liberal society as noted by my neighborhood, friends, and place of employment; however, I do not think the black middle class should play the conservative card that carries with it values, attitudes, and behaviors that do not represent progress for all minority groups. Sure 90% of blacks vote in a solid block for the Democratic Party, but that block is not as tight as it used to be.
Here are a few observations about the thinking of the black middle class:
I never show movies in class; however, I love using clips that make some historical point. Oh, I think this one does. I really hate teaching about Hitler; I must compete with the History channel.
Above: Danielle Milton, Jillian Thompson, and Ariel Johnson during homecoming week in November.
The love and want and need to see different types of people is not a liberal or conservative thing; it is a matter of beauty and hope that brings all of us together; I smile knowing that I love all types of people; I smile knowing that my students get to hear and watch me model diversity each and everyday; I smile because my students get to engage in conversations about race and what it means to be open minded. More importantly, I get to have conversations with my Arab, black, Hispanic, Asian, and white students about the importance of diversity and what it means not only to me, but to our campus. As a black student at a dominant white private school, I never had a black teacher. Though I had a great relationship with other faculty members, I often time desired to see a person in the front of the room that looks like me. I went pretty much all of my upper school and college days without having a person of color to mentor me.
I have decided to be more active as a faculty member of color on campus; I have had a number of excellent conversations with black students about topics they feel are important to them. I am most excited about having a lunch meeting with many of the black students on campus about their plight and needs. This is something I can do for them that was never done for me.
I also have the job of modeling my passion for what I do and why I do it. Books such as the End of Racism only paints blacks in a negative light, as noted here from the work:
Black rage is a response to black suffering and failure, and reflects the irresistible temptation to attribute African American problems to a history of white racist oppression. Despite substantial progress over the past few decades, African Americans continue to show conspicuous evidence of failure – failure in the workplace, failure in schools and colleges, and failure to maintain intact families and secure communities. Taken together, these hardships and inadequacies virtually assure that blacks will not eve equality of earnings and status with other groups anytime soon. Even more seriously, they threaten to destroy poor black communities and endanger the economic and physical integrity of society as a whole.
* The annual income of African Americans who are employed in full-time jobs amounts to about 60 percent of that of whites.
* The black unemployment rate is nearly double that of the whole nation.
* One third of blacks are poor, compared with just over 10 percent of whites.
* One half of all black children live in poverty.
* The infant mortality rate for blacks is more than double that of whites.
* The proportion of black male high school graduates who go on to college is lower today than in 1975.
* More young black males are in prison than in college.
* Homicide is the leading cause of death for black males between the ages of fifteen and thirty-four.
* Although African Americans make up 12 percent of the population, they, account for more than 35 percent of all AIDS cases.
* The life expectancy of black men is sixty-five years, a rate lower than any other group in America and comparable to that of some Third World countries.
* Nearly 50 percent of all African American families are headed by single women.
* More than 65 percent of black children born each year are illegitimate.
Whites must understand that being black is not just a matter of skin color, but it is an ideological matter too. Having black teachers or students among the dominant culture often times makes the dominant culture assume that those of color are just like them. Even among middle class blacks, there is a sense of awareness about their needs and their challenges. Such issues are easily forgotten because such middle class blacks speak well, live in nice homes, and seemingly belong to the same venues that the majority belong to; however, the reality is very different. Accepting black people means accepting their attitudes, beliefs, perceptions, and fears. This makes the dynamics of being black in America and a person of color far more complex.
This post is about my best friend. A person I miss everyday. It is about a relationship that got away due to elements of a false faith in God, class, and race. This is about a relationship that has shaped my ideological and intellectual construct; it is about a relationship that pushed me towards the left and has shaped my readings, my faith, and in many ways… my identity. This is a post about my friend Shannon Killough.
Today is the 34th birthday of my best friend. At times I am perplexed when trying to describe her to both friends and family who do not know her; I know that she emerged in my life at a time when I was stuck between two worlds: One world was made up of white privilege and religious conservatism that angered me. The other world was that of black distance and distrust of organized religion. I often struggle trying to come to terms with both worlds. As a young black man entering 10th grade on scholarship at a very nice private school with a religious heritage, I was often isolated in my understanding of the white middle class, though I seemed to fit in well; I was a good athlete and eager student – though I clearly felt behind my counterparts at times; I once asked aloud, “what are French Doors” as my peers discussed their homes and the summer renovations that took place. I had never heard of youth groups before, nor did I fully comprehend the emotionalism held at youth rallies or the exaggerated collapsing of members in the black church.
Leaving my underfunded public school, which was an extension of racial segregation and bigotry for a more privileged school, only awakened me to the realities of the world. Furthermore, it was at my nice private school that forced me, as was and is the case for many teenagers, to seek some sort of an identity. My parents are not educated – at least not in the conventional sense, nor are they religious. They taught me to love and embrace all people: black, white, gay, lesbian, poor, and defeated growing up.
But it was my friend, Shannon, who transformed my life in a very different way. For the first time it was okay to relax and be me; it was okay to display a sense of emotion that was not of the norm; it was alright to accept people and love the beauty of what life offers; however, it was this close relationship that impacted not only my ideological position – but my interpretation of life. I realize this is a great burden to place on one person, but I think she managed. Our friendship had its challenges: Her parents did not like me; I was not up to par. Her family was not the only ones who felt this way; I even had to contend with a few teachers that looked at our friendship with an eye of suspicion. I was troubled by this suspicion since it was generated not by my character, but by my skin color.
She and I, as well as a group of my newly minted private school friends, would often have to lie in order for her to hang out with us; my race was an embarrassment to her family. I am often reminded of the classic eighties cartoon The Fox and the Hound; it was this cartoon that can teach us much about the pain of relationships and how the dynamics of race and class often divides us. In the cartoon, the fox and the hound befriended each other only to be forced against one another by their families: The hound was supposed to hunt the fox, but that was difficult for both to accept since they met at a young and innocent age. This cartoon teaches us about relationships and the purity its meaning.
My friend Shannon died of cancer in the fall of 2005; I was supposed to visit her upon a return trip from Atlanta four months earlier; I got caught up in a meeting at a private school and even confused on my drive back to Montgomery. I missed seeing my friend and thus would learn of her death later. She died within thirty days of discovering she had cancer. Hearing this was tough; it was the longest week of my life; I had to stay home because I could not control my emotions. Out of anger and frustration for how complicated her family made our friendship, I took every letter she had written me over years and copied them. I went on to write a very long letter to her parents illustrating my hurt and frustration over the problems they caused. And yes, I did mail all of this to them.
I am not sure a day goes by in which I fail to think about my late friend. I do not suspect, I know that our relationship and the behavior of closed minded people have played a major part in my ideological shaping. Thus part of my job as a teacher is to inculcate a sense of passion and understanding in my students of all types of people. That has been Shannon’s gift to me, and hence it is my gift to my students.
Chris Tutunjian is a sophomore student at Houston Christian High School; he is currently enrolled in Advanced Placement World History, a course taught by my department head Christine Metoyer. Chris offers an interesting analysis into the 20th century problem of Social Darwinism. I have closed the comment box on this post, but ask that many of you visit this post published at the Gray Ghost, a blog operated by Dillon Sorensen. I think you will enjoy his blog.
On April 24, 1915, one of the greatest atrocities ever committed against humanity began: the Armenian Genocide. How many of you have heard of this event? Probably not a lot. Some of you may not even care that this ever happened, but the Armenian Genocide carries great importance to me as it was my ancestors who were systemically and deliberately massacred by the Ottoman Turks during World War I.
I am three-quarters Armenian with both my mom and dad being of Armenian ancestry, and I could not be more proud of my heritage. Armenia is a country located in the Caucasus, bordered by Georgia, Azerbaijan, Iran, and Turkey. In 301 AD, Armenia declared Christianity the official state religion, making it the first country to do so. I belong to the Armenian Orthodox Church that was founded over 17 centuries ago. Ever since I was a child, my parents have taught me about the importance of my heritage. At first, I did not really care what they were trying to teach me. As I’ve matured over the years though, I’ve grown to understand what they meant. This is why I’d like to talk about the Armenian Genocide. I believe that it is my duty to my heritage and to my ancestors who perished during the genocide to educate the public on the crimes perpetuated against the Armenians during the genocide.
At the beginning of the 20th Century, the Armenian Christian minority living in eastern Turkey had no civil rights since Turkey’s population was mainly Muslim. Armenians were not allowed to bear arms, serve in the military, or testify in court against a Muslim. They were heavily taxed because they were considered infidels, and they were treated as second-class citizens. When Turkey suffered a severe defeat at the hands of the Russians during World War I, it quickly blamed the Armenians for aiding the Russians. The Turks were worried about the Armenians rebelling inside Turkey, and they justified the deportation and killing of Armenians by preparing propaganda material stating that the Armenians were planning to launch an uprising in Istanbul and kill the Turkish leadership. In 1915, the Turks enacted the Temporary Law of Expropriation, Confiscation, and Deportation. The law stated that all property owned by Armenians, such as land, livestock, and homes, was to be confiscated by the authorities. The Turkish government created special organizations like the SS and Einsatzgruppen, which were given the task of rounding up Armenians in their villages and deporting them to concentration camps. Most of these camps were located near the Iraqi-Syrian border. Killing squads executed Armenians through shootings, mass burnings, and poisonings. Also, many Armenians were marched into the Syrian Desert and were left to starve to death.
April 24th serves as Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day. On this date in 1915, the Turks, in an effort to cripple the Armenian community, seized and massacred over 200 Armenian intellectuals and leaders in Istanbul. My great-great grandfather on my mom’s side was one of the 200 arrested that day. His son tried to get him out of prison but failed. The Turks killed his father in front of him before imprisoning him. However, he escaped and made it to America. He settled in the northeast, where most of my mom’s family resides. On my dad’s side, my great-grandfather was the only one of eight brothers and sisters to survive the marches into the Syrian Desert. He fled to Lebanon, the only Middle Eastern country with a 50% Christian and 50% Muslim population, and began a new life. My father grew up in Lebanon and came to live in America after the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1976. Eventually, he made it to Texas after studying in New York and Boston. Once my mom had finished college, her parents moved to Houston as her dad had gotten a teaching job at Booker T. Washington High School through IBM. She came with them to Houston, and my parents eventually met at the St. Kevork’s Armenian Church, the same church that I attend today.
Even though there is plenty of evidence that the Turkish authorities planned and executed the genocide, Turkey continues to deny the Armenian Genocide. The Turkish Government has made it a crime to defame the state and insult “Turkishness.” Not only does this prevent any discussion by the government on the topic of the genocide, but it also makes it very difficult for Turkish individuals to voice their apologies to the Armenians. You might recall Hrant Dink from two years ago. Dink was an Armenian journalist living in Istanbul. A Turkish nationalist assassinated him for his writings on the genocide and his recognition of it. Dink had actually been acquitted of the state-defamation law a few months before his murder. Turkish novelist Orhan Pamuk, who won the Noble Prize in literature, has also been put on trial for statements recognizing the Armenian Genocide. He was found innocent and is an advocate for more freedom of speech laws in Turkey, so the people and the government can come to terms with its history and its crimes.
The Republics of Armenia and Turkey continue to be at odds on this issue and have no diplomatic relations. Many Turkish intellectuals, however, are starting to talk about recognizing the Armenian Genocide. Recently, over 5000 Turkish intellectuals signed a petition for the recognition of the genocide and apologized for the atrocities committed by the Ottoman Empire. Also, the President of Turkey traveled a few months ago to Armenia to witness a soccer match between the two countries, signaling a desire to want to resolve differences between the two nations.
Whereas many countries, such as Canada, Argentina, Austria, Belgium, France, Greece, Italy, Poland, and Russia, have officially recognized the genocide, the United States has not done so. Armenian-Americans try every year to introduce a bill in Congress that would have the government recognize the atrocities committed against the Armenian people by the Turks. The United States’ reluctance to approve such a bill is politically motivated. Turkey is a member of NATO and our only ally in the Middle East. In addition, Turkey is not as fanatic or fundamentalist as other Muslim countries. The Turkish Government has threatened to leave NATO and break ties with the United States if a bill recognizing the genocide ever passed. The United States does not want to loose its only non-fanatic ally in the Middle East, so the government has kept a low profile when it comes to the subject of the Armenian Genocide. I would love to see the day when the United States recognizes the genocide. Recognition, although being a great gain for Armenian-Americans, would have some negative repercussions for America. As I previously mentioned, we would loose our ally in Turkey, which the military has used as a refueling station and air base during their operations in the Middle East. Recognition would help a few but would not help our country overall. Although I am proud of my heritage, I am an American first and always, and I would never want to do something that would harm my country. I long to see the day when this bill is passed. Now is just not the time, and I am willing to wait for the right time.
I hope that one day the government of Turkey will recognize the terrible crimes that were committed against the Armenian minority in the Ottoman Empire. Whereas the Jews can have some closure with the German apologies and recognition of the Holocaust, the Armenians are still seeking peace and remain bitter over what happened.
I’d like to leave you with a quote by Adolf Hitler. Now, I know what you may be thinking, but just listen. When Hitler proposed his Final Solution, his staff and advisors asked him how he planned to get away with such a huge undertaking. Hitler simply replied, “Who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?” As much as I’d hate to admit it, Hitler was right. The Armenian Genocide was the first genocide of the 20th Century, only to be followed by many more. So few knew what happened to the Armenians, and so few know today what happened to the Armenians. As the saying goes, those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.
If you would like to read more about the Armenian Genocide or sign a petition for its recognition worldwide, please visit http://www.genocide1915.info/.
Dillon Sorensen is a sophomore student at Houston Christian; Sorensen, who is a regular here at the Proletarian, offers this piece from the perspective of a middle class white student attending an affluent private school; if you follow the comments left on this blog, you are well aware of the depth and complexity offered by Sorensen. You will find other posts on West that have been posted on this blog here.
On July 2, 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964, a landmark piece of legislation that outlawed racial segregation into law. While the very idea of racial segregation in America seems to be part of a distant past, we must not forget that it has only been 45 years since the CRA was passed, and race still matters.
Upon hearing Carson rave about Race Matters, I decided to purchase a copy. Initially, I questioned whether or not it would affect me as a white person. My questions were soon answered in the preface, in which Dr. Cornel West tells a story about a time in New York City when he attempts to wave down a cab. When ten empty cabs drive past him, Dr. West becomes frustrated; and when a white woman next to him immediately flags one down, he is irate. I read and considered the paragraph over and over. How many times have I been the cab driver? How often do I subconsciously judge others based on their skin color? Why do I feel endangered when I drive through a poor black neighborhood, but not a poor white one? I know that most other whites also face similar questions, and in order to answer them, we must gain a better understanding of the problems that face black America.
Published in 1993, just after the Rodney King Riots, Dr. West’s collection of essays addresses various issues facing the African-American community, such as black leadership, sexuality, affirmative action, and Black-Jewish Relations.
While I thoroughly enjoyed all of Race Matters, I was greatly impacted by the first chapter, entitled “Nihilism in Black America.” In this chapter, Dr. West states that:
”The proper starting point for the crucial debate about the prospects for black America is an examination of the nihilism that increasingly pervades black communities. Nihilism is to be understood here not as philosophic doctrine that there are no rational grounds for legitimate standards of authority; it is, far more, the lived experience of coping with a life of horrifying meaningless, hopelessness, and (most important) lifelessness. The frightening result is a numbing detachment from others and a self-destructive disposition toward the world. Life without meaning, hope, and love breeds a coldhearted, mean-spirited outlook that destroys both the individual and others.”
And that is the problem in black America. Often, we fail to look at psychological and sociological components to the issues we face in America. When an entire segment of the population feels as if they have been left behind, they feel hopeless. When they are not given adequate education and their families are falling apart, black children feel as if their lives are meaningless. They feel that way because their parents felt that way, and they will pass it on to their children. It is the vicious cycle of poverty; a cycle that black Americans are all too familiar with.
After all, 25% of African-Americans live in poverty, while only 9% of whites due. One in two Black children lives in poverty. On average, whites are expected to live five years longer than blacks. Employed blacks only earn 65% of the wages of their white counterparts. The nationwide unemployment rate for blacks is 10%, while the unemployment rate for whites is 5%. It has been estimated that the rate of births to unwed black mothers in 70%. And the list goes on and on…
Question: Why are blacks socioeconomically disfavored? Is it because they are lazy? I doubt it. Do they just need to “pull themselves up by their bootstraps?” Well, there are no bootstraps to pull on. I believe that Dr. West is correct; the plight of black Americans can be attributed, among other factors, to the “nihilism that increasingly pervades black communities.”
Have we made a lot of progress in 45 years? Yes; we just elected an African-American to the highest office in the land. But, there is still much work to be done. Race Matters will open your eyes to the struggles that face black America, and everyone, regardless of race, should read it. Dr. West will not waste your time, and he will force you to think extensively about race relations in our country every single day, as you should.
I posted this a while back but thought after recent developments it would be of interest to jump start this conversation. A very good friend of mine contends that I am a bit confusing in that I am a conservative dresser, teach in a conservative school (my 2nd one), and address life outside of academic and social matters in a conservative way; yet, my intellectual appeal is that of a liberal frustrated by de facto constructs of the privileged who mask social and economic matters from a simplistic point of view. But, as I note below — race is not the factor so much as class. The contention that blacks are liberal is no longer true. However, black academic types regardless of income tend to stay towards the left on social and economic issues. Below I address this matter and that of race and privilege as it relates to my lower class up bringing, as well as my white middle class educational experience ala attending a private school on nothing but aid.
E. Franklin Frazier’s Black Bourgeoisie was more prophetic than many realized. Frazier, who addressed the burgeoning black middle class, expressed concern about the intra-class conflict vis-a-vis socioeconomic status of black folks. Frazier notes that the black middle class was in a rush by the 1960s to assimilate. During the Harlem Renaissance, even W.E.B. Du Bois “strategically included white judges on panels for their black literary competitions, in hopes that white approval would add luster to black achievements.” This shift that occurred was not a mass or universal one. The black middle class was still small and would not be catapulted until after the advent of Affirmative Action.
The debate over true liberalism among blacks still exist. I have found the upper black middle class to be far more conservative and less active towards civil rights and social policy of late. I am concerned that the black bourgeoisie is willing to shift its focus away from the liberalism that put them in their position for racial acceptance. I believe integration is vital to a liberal society as noted by my neighborhood, friends, and place of employment; however, I do not think the black middle class should play the conservative card that carries with it values, attitudes, and behaviors that do not represent progress for all minority groups. Sure 90% of blacks vote in a solid block for the Democratic Party, but that block is not as tight as it used to be.
Here are a few observations about the thinking of the black middle class:
As for Uncle Tom, I found myself reading a few chapters in Dinesh D’ Souza’s book The End of Racism. According to the book’s cover,
D’Souza challenges deeply held orthodoxies about race and racism in America. Was slavery a racist institution? Is America a racist society? Is Eurocentrism a racist concept? Can African Americans be racist? D’Souza argues that the liberal crusade against racism is detrimental to both blacks and whites, and that our next step must be to eliminate race as the basis for identity and public policy.
D’Souza, from what little I have read of this book, argues against not only affirmative action, but social and economic reforms that have been used to help poor minorities. In chapter 12 of the book, he discusses what is often termed the Uncle Tom dilemma. If you were to ask any black person about the term Uncle Tom, he or she depending on education is likely to say that an Uncle Tom is a black person who acts white. Furthermore, this person might claim to evidence that a black person who speaks well is only doing so because he/she has a desire to be just like white folks. It has been a long time since I have been called an Uncle Tom. I grew up in a rough black neighborhood for a while, but was given an opportunity to attend a private school with practically an all white demographic. Often I played the language card so that I would not lose any of my friends; it was easy to use poor grammar when speaking due to my audience outside of my all white private school confines. However, I did not fool people. It was clear that I did not fit in at home or at times on campus. I think this is why smart black students pretend to be dumb. They do it out of fear of being rejected by their black peers.
It is very odd if not unheard of to hear a white person call a black person an Uncle Tom. The last time I was called this term, I politely asked that person if he had ever read the book Uncle Tom’s Cabin. After he said no, I went on to give him a brief lecture on the work I read back in middle school: Essentially, a white woman named Harriet Beecher Stowe took it upon herself to research the treatment and condition of southern blacks. While doing so, the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 was passed; it required northerners to return all runaway slaves to their masters. Keep in mind that blacks were nothing more than property, though the Constitution did not define blacks in this category until the 1857 Dread Scott case.
In her work, she wrote about a slave named Tom who was so trusted by his master, that he was often sent on long independent trips to conduct business. Modern day black folks became very critical of Stowe’s character Tom. Why would a black man who was nothing more than a slave be so loyal to his white master? Some speculate that Tom desired to transform himself into a better place; a white place where he was like those who abused other blacks. By 1960 the term Uncle Tom had a place among the vanguard of black intellectuals. By this point, with the civil rights movement underway, and a number of blacks graduating from historically black colleges, there was no longer a need to be like white people. Blacks proved that they were far superior. Thus, it is here that we see the heightened sense of black on black racism. As is the case today, black folks are expected to serve their own communities. People such as myself are often questioned for working in a place that does not serve the needs of the black community. Black people who prefer white lawyers, white bankers, white dentists are seen as Uncle Toms. Dating back to the days of Booker T. Washington, he argued that if black people do not visit and help black professionals, who will.
With the black bourgeoisie emerging from the status of proletarian, you find more and more black people crossing the racial divide. This does not mean the end of racism is here. D’Souza is actually promulgating racism by claiming that we can move toward a color blind society. I find such a statement to be racist.
It was during my senior year in high school when Karlyn Hunter introduced me to the thinking and writings of Cornel West. I believe I have read Race Matters some 10 – 12 times since high school, and I guess 13 times if you count tonight. West, who is a self proclaimed Chekhovian Christian and Post-Modern Marxist, is committed to democratic values and social justice. He is obsessed with confronting the pervasive evil of unjustified suffering and unnecessary social misery in the world. Moreover, he is determined to explore the intellectual sources and existential resources that feed societal courage.West is an intellectual Marxist who realizes the merit of such a philosophy in addressing social vice and ill; however, he also realizes that Marxism cannot serve as a religion. Because of this perspective, his writings constitute a perennial struggle between his African and American identities, his democratic socialist convictions and his Christian sense of profound tragedy, his possible triumph in life and history. It was my reading of West’s prophetic pragmatism that drove me to read more about the dynamics of critical race theory, historical transformations, and to search and explore the problems of sexism, racism, classism, and other ugly adjectives that a Christian must understand in order to remove ignorance from the minds of the masses.
In my quest to do this, I found my self reading from the likes of my favorite intellectuals: DuBois, Ellison, Knowles, Thoreau, Hurston, Wright, Sartre, Rorty, and Kierkegaard, to list a few. It was my reading of such great intellectuals that allowed me to join the ranks of the Talented Tenth. There are questions that I and other Christians must constantly present and address in order to deconstruct a world lost in materialism. And, as I concluded years ago, Christians are human too. Thus I witnessed too many Christian churches segregated by race and class while growing up. This was especially true amongst some Christians living in Montgomery, Alabama who too were lost in ignorance. I am blessed that my faith has guided my intellect, thus it is my intellect that will serve as a vehicle in sharing my faith.
West’s table of contents in Race Matters reads something like this:
1. Nihilism in Black America
2. The Pitfalls of Racial Reasoning
3. The Crisis of Black Leadership
4. Demystifying the New Black Conservative
5. Beyond Affirmative Action: Equality and Identity
6. On Black-Jewish Relations
7. Black Sexuality: The Taboo Subject
8. Malcolm X and Black Rage
As with most works of scholarship, this piece of literature has a distinctive point of view. I do not agree with everything presented by West; however, I do embrace the way he challenges my intellect. I have heard him speak twice thus far, once at an academic conference in Chicago and again at the University of Houston. I even met him while working in Princeton last spring. West left Harvard two years ago only to return to Princeton. He found himself engaged in a major disagreement with the now removed Larry Summers, former president of Harvard. (Click HERE to read West’s account)
“Sundown Towns: A Hidden Dimension of American out African Americans (or sometimes Chinese Americans, Jewish Americans, etc.) by force, law, or custom. These communities are sometimes called “sundown towns” because some of them posted signs at their city limits reading, typically, “Nigger, Don’t Let The Sun Go Down On You In ___.” Some towns are still all white on purpose. Their chilling stories have been joined more recently by the many elite (and some not so elite) suburbs like Grosse Pointe, MI, or Edina, MN, that have excluded nonwhites by “kinder gentler means.” When I began this research, I expected to find about 10 sundown towns in Illinois (my home state) and perhaps 50 across the country. Instead, I have found more than 440 in Illinois and thousands across the United States. This is their story; it is the first book ever written on the topic.”
Many of you may recall this post from before and this book being on my reading list in an earlier post too; I found the early historical approach of this work to be very good and wanted my current students to start thinking about race and communities; I have driven through a number of sundown towns as noted in Loewen’s book. One challenge many minorities face is choice of residence. Educated and well credentialed Americans are blessed with a greater range of choice when looking for a job, a place to settle, and a community to raise a family; however, this is not true for minority groups. When I finished graduate school and started looking for a teaching post, or a position in publishing, I had to be mindful of the environment my wife and I would be moving to. Questions like this emerged: Would my neighbors and the rest of the community be receptive of my presence, regardless of my academic credentials?
Two examples that come to mind when I entered the market was Cabot, Arkansas and Memphis, Tennessee. My greatest concern when finishing graduate school was the lack of teaching positions available for history instructors. Moreover, this was compounded by the fact that I limited myself to particular courses I wanted to teach and certain types of schools I wanted to join, primarily elite and/ or mid tier level independent/ private schools. At first I limited my search to very prestigious New England boarding schools; however, those types of options only recently (past few years) became an option. Many of those boarding schools are located in very rural white communities. Thus, I naturally wondered if I would be accepted. Well, I was blessed with a number of teaching options. One such option was in Cabot, AR in the public school system. A year before entering the market, I had agreed to at least consider Cabot. Of course this was before more options were available. I clearly backed out when an upper administrator told me that I would be the Jackie Robinson of Cabot. Essentially he was saying that Cabot educational leaders had to select the right African American for this particular community. I was scared; I was scared because of the bad racial reputation Cabot had (it is on the sundown town list here). Rumors of cross burnings and various other tactics were known throughout Arkansas about this community.
In defense of Cabot, much of this is probably historical; however, it is such rumors whether a perception or reality that limits the options for minorities. Here is my Memphis example: I sent my curriculum vitae (or résumé) to a very elite private school that was conducting a national search. Let us call this school elite school X. Well, one of my teachers in college made elite school X aware of me. This teacher also encouraged me to apply. The great thing about a number of private schools is that you do not have to spend hours completing applications nor do you have to be a licensed teacher. They just want your CV. A few weeks later elite school X scheduled for me to interview with the department head and dean of faculty via phone. I was a hit. Later, I drove 2 hours to Memphis for a campus tour, departmental lunch, tons of interviews, and a night cap with the headmaster.
I did not discover this until later, but the dean of faculty and dept. head at elite school X had no clue I was black. Better yet, they were so surprised that one current member of the faculty would later tell me how often they brought the topic up. I did suspect it was a surprise by their response to my entrance. Elite school X did offer me a position, although I would later reject it for the opportunity to start my teaching career off by teaching advanced courses at a private school in Little Rock. Please keep in mind that most students at elite school X are very advanced, which means I would have been teaching such courses anyway, just without the title. There reaction to me was scary – although not offensive.
My friend Jaylon Williams came across this story a few days ago and sent this to me. Topics of race and politics are inevitable — Obama or not. I have been called a number of things, but never uppity.
Republican Congressman Lynn Westmoreland has come under fire for referring to Senator Obama and his wife Michelle as “uppity.” When asked to compare Michelle Obama and Sarah Palin (Did I miss the news? Are they running for the same office?), Westmoreland said:
“Just from what little I’ve seen of her and Mr. Obama, Senator Obama, they’re a member of an elitist-class individual that thinks that they’re uppity.”
When asked to clarify his words, Westmoreland repeated, “Uppity, yeah.” As an Atlanta Journal Constitution article explained, “uppity” was “a word applied to African-Americans who tried to rise above servile positions.” Westmoreland stands by his comment, but contends that he did not know that the word “uppity” was racially charged when he said it. He claimed:
“I’ve never heard that term used in a racially derogatory sense. It is important to note the dictionary definition of ‘uppity’ is ‘affecting an air of inflated self-esteem-snobbish.’ That’s what we meant by uppity when we used it in the mill village where I grew up.”
One of my favorite blogs is that of the Political Cartel; I suspect I like this blog because the authors showcase a political and ideological leaning much different from that of my peers while I was a student at Harding University. Moreover, they are smart and fun to chat with from time to time. Here is a post from Chris Berry, one of the PC’s authors and a student at HU.
Yesterday I wrote a post about the noose being left in an African-American student’s office at ACU. I later deleted the post as I felt it was poorly written. I also felt that I, as a Caucasian, do not have the perspective to write about what a black man feels when he sees a noose. I believe the incident at ACU was horrible, and I do not stand for racism. That being said, I will write about what the image of a noose means to me.
On September 12, 2007, the first annual “Day of Encouragement,” my uncle hanged himself from a telephone pole in my parents’ backyard in Memphis, Tennessee. This tragedy rattled my faith in God and I am just now, almost a year later, rebuilding my faith and learning to trust God again.
The first day I was back in classes at HU, my American history teacher showed us some videos in class that showed African-Americans being hanged. I couldn’t stand to look at these images, so I got up and walked out of class. The images of a people being hanged became something tangible to me. When I see a noose (even just the rope itself), I see death and injustice.
I can’t begin to imagine what this image means to someone whose family members only a generation ago were lynched for no reason at all other than their skin tone. However, I am willing to bet that death and injustice are right up there with the emotions one might feel. It appears to me that this was more of a death threat than a “joke.”
” “Black Power Salute” was the moment during the 1968 Olympics, in which African-Americans Tommie Smith and John Carlos exultantly gestured skyward, effectively leveling the playing field for civil rights. During the Mexico City games, Smith won the 200-meter race, setting a world record, and Carlos placed third. On the podium, they made a statement for equality by wearing symbolic attire and raising black-gloved fists during “The Star-Spangled Banner.” The backlash was immediate and vicious-Smith and Carlos were expelled from the U.S. Olympic team, and even received death threats. This powerful image endured, becoming symbolic of African-American athletes’ quest for equality.”
I spoke with an admissions person from Duke University yesterday via an exchange of email who found this blog piece below to be of great interest. Our conversation pretty much addressed less the Duke Lacrosse issue and more the inequalities In education. I am waiting permission to publish a few comments from a highly interesting exchange. Here is the piece:
The District Attorney recently exonerated all members charged with sexual assault in the Duke University lacrosse case. There were clearly no winners here. Moreover, the Duke lacrosse case illustrates both the racial and class resentment that exists in America. Just like the O.J. murder case, Duke lacrosse brought to life both the social and economic problems Americans tend to ignore. Because inequality in education exists, many minorities do not receive the proper education needed to attend a Duke. Think about the number of elite private schools in the country that have a very small number of black students. Often enough, blacks are victims of educational slavery in that many live in low property tax communities. Thus, minority public schools are faced with the challenge of hiring elite faculty members as well as providing each student with adequate resources for learning. This type of class division creates resentment and hate towards those who are privileged.
For one, as popular as Duke University is with its $ 5 billion endowment, its elite faculty members, and its popular sports team (basketball), many residents living in the Durham area dislike Duke because of its perceived lack of investment in the local community. Locals contend that Duke is nothing more than a temporary haven for rich white kids. Moreover, black students who attend Duke have had to create their own social environment. Campus festivals and activities are built around fraternities and “white cultural endeavors” that would clearly make blacks feel out of place. Just like the O.J. case, many of America’s black population were supporting the black female who claimed rape as a show of solidarity. Blacks want white America to see how race and class is still used to subjugate not only blacks, but non elites too. Most black Americans knew O.J. was guilty; they supported him as a form of protest against white America. Some black Americans feel as though whites in power have turned their backs on the racially abusive culture long promulgated by elitism. For example, in the minds of black folks, white supremacy is prevalent in all institutions of power, especially police departments. In Cornel West’s Race Matters, he states that
white America has been historically weak willed in ensuring racial justice and has continued to resist fully accepting the humanity of blacks. As long as double standards and differential treatment abound — as long as rap performer Ice-T is harshly condemned while former Los Angeles Police Chief Daryl F. Gates’s anti-black comments are received in polite silence, as long as Dr. Leonard Jeffries’s anti-Semitic statements are met with vitriolic outrage while presidential candidate Pat Buchanan’s anti-Semitism receives a general response — black nationalism will thrive.
Unlike the connection blacks feel towards the black female, they never felt any connection to O.J. He was viewed as a black elitist who turned his back on black folks, much like that of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, who continues to attack affirmative action. Blacks exploited the O.J. case to show America how much racism still exists in society. As for the female who claimed rape, it appears that blacks are supporting her because there were clearly signs of racism found among the lacrosse players. Many of them admitted to using racial slurs as well as being abusive to the black co-ed. In the end, here are the clear losers in all of this:
Yes, the sad state of people in America. Back in December I posted a piece entitled The Confederate Flag: Symbol of Culture or Racism. I did not write it to offend but to create some discussion about its state and place in society; I have received more hits on this post than any other post published. Visit the post and be sure to read the comments. I have deleted some, but kept many. Some of them are pretty sad.
Here is an example of a comment left. This guy must be a rocket scientist:
Hello i’m a proud southerner. If you disagree or make fun of my flag I will retaliate. I think that the south was a special place. It was full of slaves and plantations. Without slaves, there would be no America or clothes, or food. Slaves built the pyramids, slaves built the taj mahal and also, slaves built the WHITE House. The confederacy is a great thing for America, I am racist and I hate Bush but one day I have a dream, that one day, all southerners and other people will UNITE AND ENSLAVE all again and the SOUTH shall be back! AMEN!
WHITE POOOOOWERRRRRR!!
The idea that all education is equal is one of the biggest democratic farces conceived by the falsities of egalitarianism. In principle, this is a notion that should hold true to the concepts of idealism and social progress. Though this contention seems pessimistic, it is one of truth – though others might contend that the democratization of education works and is the greatest source of democracy. The idea that all people have a chance to prosper and advance under the Gilded Age notion that poor boy does well thanks to hard work is not wholly true. The conservative belief that all people can achieve a life of success due to individual achievement and work effort is true, but not to the same extent as the opportunities upper middle class students enjoy.
I find it interesting that states and the federal government attempt to create a system of educational egalitarianism, but fail to realize the improbability of such a construct in a society of such class differentiation. I think about the day school I teach at: it is a campus of great beauty; we have top notch facilities – - recently spending a great deal of money on newly erected buildings, relatively small classes, a dynamic faculty, and status that comes with independent school teaching. But, I cannot help but think about the advantages my students have in comparison to those who live in urban or rural areas that fail or simply cannot attract elite caliber teachers. This point holds true for property tax rich public schools that do not have a difficult time attracting top notch teachers and who also have the means and resources to help students get to the next level. Moreover, I often wonder if students of wealth on my campus or on the campuses of other fairly affluent campuses realize the academic opportunities they have compared to others who lack the wealth.
If we are really to discuss the myth of educational egalitarism, we must begin in a historical fashion. As a defender of affirmative action, I have long sought to explain why systems and checks against de facto elements prevent people of lower classes and various racial backgrounds from getting a start. For example, people often assume that lower socioeconomic blacks are in a great position to advance their plight here in the 21st century. But, if one were to count the decades, there is still a lingering impact on the educational processes of people. Let us take Jamal, who is a black kid that grew up in urban New Haven, Connecticut. Jamal’s parents speak broken English because they grew up in a home that was occupied by their parents who obtained a Jim Crow education. Jamal’s great grandparents were former slaves. Thus, with all of Jamal’s efforts to improve his plight and social condition, he is already years behind many of his affluent private school white counterparts.
With the exception of a number of national liberal arts colleges, most American schools require the use of the SAT for admissions. This College Board administered exam operates on a scale up to 2400. The best and brightest score high, while those victim to poor conditions and an inferior primary and secondary education fall victim to a system that professes to be egalitarian but is not. Why is it that my students have an advantage in getting into college and obtaining the careers they desire because their parents benefited from a system that rewards class differentiation? Richard Hofstadter points to the matter of class and economc elitism in the construction of the Constitution in his classic work The American Political Tradition:
It is ironical that the Constitution, which Americans venerate so deeply, is based upon a political theory that at one crucial point stands in direct antithesis to the mainstream of American democratic faith. Modern American folklore assumes that democracy and liberty are all but identical, and when democratic writers take the trouble to make distinction, they usually assume that democracy is necessary to liberty. But the Founding Fathers thought that the liberty with which they were most concerned was menaced by democracy. In their minds liberty was linked not to democracy but to property.
I am devoting hree post to exploring the topic of democracy and its legitimacy among all people — blacks, whites, gays, and straights. West talks about the role of the state and the functionality of religion vis-a’-vis mass society. Click and hear what Cornel west and Toni Morrison have to say.
Mauricia Grant, a NASCAR employee believes she is the victim of both sexism and racism. I have no doubt this type of behavior exist in many work places. I am sad to hear this because NASCAR has worked very hard to change its image from a sport of pot belly red necks in the deep south, to one that welcomes and embraces people of color; I am not sure NASCAR is at fault, or if this is the action of a team.
The 32-year-old Grant, who is black, worked as a technical inspector responsible for certifying cars in NASCAR’s second-tier Nationwide Series from January 2005 until her termination. In the lawsuit, she alleged she was referred to as “Nappy Headed Mo” and “Queen Sheba” by co-workers, was often told she worked on “colored people time” and was frightened by one official who routinely made references to the Ku Klux Klan.
Grant also stated that:
• Grant was forced to work outside more often than the white male officials because her supervisors believed she couldn’t sunburn because she was black.
• While riding in the backseat of her car pool at Talladega Superspeedway, co-workers told her to duck as they passed race fans. “I don’t want to start a riot when these fans see a black woman in my car,” she claims one official said.
• When packing up a dark garage at Texas Motor Speedway an official told Grant: “Keep smiling and pop your eyes out ’cause we can’t see you.”
• When she ignored advances from co-workers, Grant was accused of being gay. She also claimed co-workers questioned the sexual orientation of two other female officials.
I can tell a number of stories in which a white person assumed they were being funny by making such comments but were not. I think it is important to joke about race and the stupidity of racism; however,it is also important to know if such comments hurt other people
Also see “Nappy Headed Ho” part I
I recall reading Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye for the first time in high school; in it, Morrison took on similar issues as W.E.B Du Bois did in The Quest for the Silver Fleece. Ed Blum addressed Du Bois’s character Zora, whose interest in the white Madonna’s whiteness and purity created some comparison to three of Morrison’s characters in The Bluest Eye. This blog piece was pulled from a comment I left on the American Religion blog.
Honestly, Ed Blum thought it would make for a good post. Thus, while thinking more about Blum’s post on Du Bois’s The Quest for the Silver Fleece, I thought about the importance of black literature and its value in the complexities of the black plight. Much of black literature addressed matters of sexuality: rape, interracial sex, incest, and adultery – - topics deemed tabooish in some circles. However, black literature also addressed matters of historical themes, too: black ghettoization and rural poverty via Jim Crow, broken English and inferior schooling, as well as cultural remoteness and isolation. This, by the way, was a large part of Ralph Ellison’s The Invisible Man.
Furthermore, I have found that Protestant Christian schools (upper schools and colleges) tend to avoid teaching black literature due to matters of sexual content; I suspect some of this has to do with how communities define purity of mind and intellect; I have always viewed this differently. Black literature draws on past conditions: slavery, Jim Crow, and the exploitation and rape of black women by slave masters.
Paradoxically, it was white teachings and preaching that launched the myth that black men prey on white women. Popular culture has used historical falsities to portray black men as sexual champions. Thus, the black man has been the secret fantasy of white women, when in reality – - it was the white male that served as the sexual predator.
Ed Blum’s post entitled “Beauty, Purity, Whiteness, and Godliness in W. E. B. Du Bois’s First Novel” stated:
Perhaps one of the most remarkable discussions in The Quest of the Silver Fleece (1911) occurred after Bles and Zora built a house in the swamp and Bles placed a picture of the Madonna on the wall. As Du Bois described, it was “a little picture in blue and gold of Bouguereau’s Madonna.” A French painter of the nineteenth century, Adolphe-William Bouguereau was known for his tender images of young children and women. Bouguereau painted numerous images of the Madonna, including “The Madonna of the Roses” and “Madonna and Child with St. John the Baptist.” The image entranced Zora. She “was staring silently at the Madonna,” and asked of Bles, “Who’s it?” Bles responded reverently, “The mother of God.” Zora expressed confusion over the picture, especially the lily and the baby held by the Madonna. Bles explained that the lily “stands for purity-she was a good woman” and the baby “is the Christ Child-God’s baby.” Zora retorted, “God is the father of all the little babies, ain’t He, Bles?” When Bles responded, “Why, yes-yes, of course; only this little baby didn’t have any other father.” Christ’s lack of an earthly father resonated with Zora, for either she knew no human father or she had been raped by a white man and her baby had never known its father. “Yes, I know one like that,” Zora said softly, “Poor little Christ-baby” (81).
After reading Blum’s post, I could not help but see a relationship between what Du Bois’s The Quest for the Silver Fleece stated in comparison to Morrison’s The Bluest Eye. Here is my comparison:
Maureen, who was loved by all because of her fair skin, green eyes, etc., was the envy of darker skinned girls – - an unfortunate reality about intra-black racism. Then there was Claudia, who hated blacks for assuming that good things revolved around whiteness. I am most reminded of Pecola, who was obsessed with Claudia’s Shirley Temple mug. Her love for Temple marks some comparison to Zora, who was obsessed with the Madonna. Furthermore, like Zora, Pecola was raped, but not by a white man. Pecola’s love for the purity and beauty of Shirley Temple’s whiteness reflects what Zora was thinking…. White purity and beauty were the established thought and norm of society.
Both Du Bois and Morrison concluded that white culture has conditioned us into accepting the supremacy of white religion, white beauty, and white constructs — which I addressed here on my black Jesus post. As mentioned in Blum’s book about Du Bois, he [Du Bois] could not understand why blacks saw Christ in the image of a white man, but could not see Christ as a black man.
White supremacy has conditioned us into accepting whiteness as pure and perfect; black men desire white women because they have been the ultimate prize…. That has been the teaching of Hollywood and Miss America. Black beauty for females depends on their features. If one were to look at the most celebrated black women over the past decades – - I am sure her physical features reflect whiteness. Of course Toni Morrison’s Pecola did not rise above the matter of whiteness like Du Bois’s Zora did.
Photo [Boston Globe]
I am currently serving on a student diversity committee chaired by the Director of Admissions and co-chaired by the Associate Director of Admissions at Houston Christian. Our meetings have been good and to no surprise full of interesting student anecdotes; I suspect matters such as race is not a huge problem at HCHS due to the diversity of our campus, and that of the city of Houston. According to our stats, HCHS student population this year is made up of 19% students of color, while next year’s entering class is at 20%. Still, highly affluent independent schools, such as HCHS must contend with a much smaller racial and socioeconomic group of students. Our students appear to be open to racial diversity and those of different religious views too.
As an independent religious school with no denominational ties, religious and non-religious students engage fairly well. We have atheist students, Muslim students, and in the past a Buddhist student (a favorite of mine). With tuition being what it is at many schools, minority students often cannot afford the tuition. This creates a sense of conformity in a homogeneous environment. Often students of color feel isolated in white private schools. At times, as is the case at HCHS, many of our students of color are the most popular students. I was one of two black students to graduate from a private school in Montgomery, Alabama. Although I had great friends and felt as though I fit in well, there were racial issues that caught my attention. A teacher once asked me about the sexual attitudes of black men towards white women almost to imply that black males are predators. Furthermore, another teacher assumed that my family was on welfare and that I was a token student.
Of course, 95% of my experience was great; I still keep in touch with a few of my instructors and the head of the school — who, by the way, offered me my first job. There are complicit acts committed by some private schools that naturally promotes codes of de facto racism. Some of the nations most elite independent schools are dealing with matters of race, as they look to promote a sense of cultural vitality and intellectual curiosity among their students. My first teaching appointment put me in a private school in which I believe I was the first black male teacher; I was not surprised when students would often challenge my intellect and knowledge of subject, regardless of academic success or degrees. Better yet, before I went on the market I was warned by an advisor that I would face this if the school was not very diverse. It did not take too long before students were more concerned about my exams than my skin color. The Boston Globe published an article addressing how independent schools were going to address this topic. Here are a few examples of what students reported:
- In September, a black female student discovered a racist comment scraped into the door of her dormitory room at Phillips Exeter Academy in Exeter, N.H. A week later, the faces of six black students were crossed out with a magic marker on a photograph hanging on a dormitory bulletin board at Loomis Chaffee School in Windsor, Conn.
- Now, one week since at least 23 black students at St. Paul’s School in Concord, N.H., received letters in the mail that students said read, “bang bang get out of here,”
- At St. Paul’s, where 8 percent of the 524 students are black, tension over racial divisions surfaced last week after news of the hate letters surfaced. Some white students approached their black peers to offer sympathy and express shock, but some African-American students responded angrily, saying such gestures should have come before the letters arrived.
Click [here] to read the rest of the article. h/t: Phil Sinitiere
