Support The Center for Marxist Education

2017 CENTER FOR MARXIST EDUCATION ANNUAL FUNDRAISER

Dear Comrades,

You have made the Center possible for over four decades with your volunteer time and contributions. Today, January 1, 2017, we celebrate 42 years of solidarity with you in our constant struggles. Now that we’re facing greater oppression and potential attacks, it’s more important than ever that spaces like the CME thrive.

Our goal is to raise $5,000 to help support the operational costs of paying rent, stocking the shelves with new books, and hosting educational events.

Donate today because…
Education is imperative to spreading our movement.
Boston needs more local, national and international speakers to call us to action.
Comrades need a space to share, strategize and build solidarity.
The CME is a part of our history; a monument to our fight against capitalism.
EQUALITY can’t wait for tomorrow!
We hope we can count on your for a one-time or monthly donation – any amount helps!

Donate online here or by mailing a check to the Center for Marxist Education, P.O. Box 390459, Cambridge, MA 02139. Make checks payable to BookMarx. Please note that donations are not tax deductible.

Thank you so much for helping us reach our goal.

In Solidarity,
Center for Marxist Education Steering Committee

Trump Trumps God in 2016

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An August 2007 article in The Economist titled Is America Turning Left? gave a historical draw on the role of the right, especially the Christian right, in shaping American politics. It started off by stating:

            The most conservative president [George W. Bush] in recent history, a man who sought to turn his  victories of 2000 and 2004 into a Republican hegemony, may well end up driving the Western world’s most impressive political machine off a cliff.

In 2004, the Republican Party aimed to distract voters from a slipping United States economy and two foreign wars by making faith a part of its platform. That year many states put issues such as gay marriage on the ballot, urging faith-based voters to cast a vote defining marriage between a man and a woman. Such 2004 right-wing fervor still exist in politics and churches, but the post-Barack Obama era appears to have weakened the base of Christian-Republicans. Traditional Republican candidates quickly dissipated in this past election season. And though Donald Trump promises to appoint conservative judges to the bench, many suspect this is a ploy to maintain Christian Republicans.

If one turned their television to a religious station or attended a church service, they might hear how America is moving down an immoral path to being the next Sodom and Gomorrah. Trump, however, has placed distanced from such language in electing to use nationalism over religion, as noted by his campaign slogan: “Make America Great Again”.

Trump’s jingoistic language differs from the Puritanical faith-based thinking of past, which has garnered historical attention for centuries, starting with Jonathan Edwards and George Whitefield, movers of the First Great Awakening, which also cemented the South as the Bible Belt. Starting in the late 1970s, those who supported Barry Goldwater in 1964, unified to shape mass politics. Goldwater was the standard-bearer of the New Right Republican Party. Goldwater engineered a disgruntled white Conservative population fearing the United States was becoming too liberal. This emerging Republican population consisted of conservative ideologues, fundamentalist Christians, and populist voters who deplored the liberal social, political, and economic trends of the 1960s and hoped to change it. Many of them were against the civil rights legislation, arguing that they were unconstitutional as they undermined states’ rights.

Just like the First and Second Great Awakening of the 18th and 19th century, evangelical leaders were content to combat what they called the forces of Satan, by asking all believers to join in an attempt to save the souls of the lost. This action took place during religious crusades and revivals. By the Fourth Great Awakening, there was no need to rally the troops at revival camp meetings. A quick hit of a TV button had the religious right advocating for political candidates and against what they saw as the sins of liberalism. It was Richard Viguerie, a right-wing publicist, who marshaled the power of the computerized direct-mail advertising as a New Right unifier. This, as well as the message of Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority, served as an impetus to fighting leftism.

Yet in 2016 the religious right has given their soul to Trump – not God. As I recently noted, Evangelical Christians in America must decide if they really value religious freedom or just the religious freedom of Jesus. If they value the latter — there will be a generational rebellion against them, and thus their purpose of Jesus sharing will die, as far too many right-wing Christian evangelicals have not sided with the love and empathy of Christ, but identity politics.

MLK Jr. and the Black Bourgeoisie

After Martin Luther King Jr. gave his “I Have a Dream Speech” in Washington D.C., Malcolm X stated:

“The Negroes were out there in the streets. They were talking about how they were going to march on Washington…. That they were going to march on Washington, march on the senate, march on the White House, march on Congress, and tie it up, bring it to a halt, not let the government proceed. They even said they were going out to the airport and lay down on the runway and not let any airplanes land. I’m telling you what they said. That was revolution. That was revolution. That was the black revolution.”

Malcolm X was able to capture the ears of many who grew frustrated with America’s lack of political and economic progress. Moreover, with that heighten sense for change, King started to see his voice silenced within the black community. The recent film Selma showcased this well. However, earlier king would write in his Letter from a Birmingham Jail:

“You speak of our activity in Birmingham as extreme. At first I was rather disappointed that fellow clergymen would see my nonviolent efforts as those of an extremist. I began thinking about the fact that I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self-respect and a sense of “somebodiness” that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle-class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses. The other force is one of bitterness and hatred, and it comes perilously close to advocating violence. It is expressed in the various Black Nationalist groups that are springing up across the nation, the largest and best known being Elijah Muhammad’s Muslim movement. Nourished by the Negroes’ frustration over the continued existence of racial discrimination, this movement is made up of people who have lost faith in America, who have absolutely repudiated Christianity, and who have concluded that the white man is an incorrigible “devil.”

King was aware of the challenge Malcolm X and other Black Nationalist groups presented; his voice was soft and passive, though he was a powerful and articulate speaker. Blacks’ sense of Christianity was one of division. Why follow a church and a God that allows such hatred to take place — many contended. King feared the evils of materialism and comfort as many who made up the black bourgeoisie became comfortable with their status in life. As I stated before, today the black middle class is far more conservative than many realize. In part — this comfort is an indictment of the failures of the civil rights movement.

Race, Jesus, and Santa

I have thought about what Santa teaches kids. Santa is pure, and is white as snow — just like Jesus — who too is portrayed as white. Santa brings toys to good kids, just like the white Christ in a white “Christian” nation, who also brings the only hope for salvation. The white man must save the darker races since the darker races cannot have such a God — because they are brown. Thus those brown Muslims God must be dark and evil. Folks elected a man who wants to ban them because their God is dark and evil. This is where innocent white folks fail to capitulate their internal racism. But Santa is always white. We can say Santa’s race should not matter — but let us think about long-term implications on a kids development. Santa cannot be black. Black people are bad people. They march demanding equal rights, arguing that their lives matter, asking for protection from police brutality, etc. Oh, and capitalism paints black folks as pimps, pushers, and thugs. So — to a white suburban kid living in a white world — Santa must be white. For a black kid living in a black community — Santa must be white. That is what the world tells us.

2016 People of Color Conference

I just got back from the People of Color Conference — and it was a needed gathering for me in the city of Atlanta. Being around like-minded folks (LGBTQ, black and brown and white allies) fills my soul as I navigate my days in a world operated by those who knowingly and unknowingly empower white supremacy. Packnett was the real deal. She spoke about independent schools who ignore matters of race, sexuality, and gender, thus are complicit in graduating white supremacist. And, allow a hostile campus environment. Have you looked at the demographic make up of your faculty? Are you supporting people of color? The folks I talk to say no. But we do look good on brochures. It is easy for straight white men to hire and support straight white men. There is no threat to their hegemony.

I also found time to join colleagues I do not see that often.

15492236_931759544287_7927096910513996842_nWe were headed to the Civil and Human Rights Museum in Atlanta. I will write more on this later.

Race and Academic Life

“More than malice, Matthew says, “what I’ve found is that there are codes and habits that faculty of color don’t know about because those unwritten practices are so subtle as to seem unimportant until something goes wrong, and then the assumption is that the person of color is incompetent, lazy or lying. In my case, the assumption was that I was dishonest or disorganized, though neither of those things is true. The fact that I am a black woman played some role in that tangled-up process, and I still see the same patterns that were in play in my reappointment and tenure reviews whenever I am assessed. More important, I now know that those patterns are at work all over the country. It’s not just me. It’s not just us. This is happening everywhere.” See here for more.