Framing History

Teaching students what history is forces one to ponder a new trajectory in the classroom. Take a look here.Screen Shot 2017-12-13 at 5.20.53 PM

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Support The Center for Marxist Education

2017 CENTER FOR MARXIST EDUCATION ANNUAL FUNDRAISER

Dear Comrades,

You have made the Center possible for over four decades with your volunteer time and contributions. Today, January 1, 2017, we celebrate 42 years of solidarity with you in our constant struggles. Now that we’re facing greater oppression and potential attacks, it’s more important than ever that spaces like the CME thrive.

Our goal is to raise $5,000 to help support the operational costs of paying rent, stocking the shelves with new books, and hosting educational events.

Donate today because…
Education is imperative to spreading our movement.
Boston needs more local, national and international speakers to call us to action.
Comrades need a space to share, strategize and build solidarity.
The CME is a part of our history; a monument to our fight against capitalism.
EQUALITY can’t wait for tomorrow!
We hope we can count on your for a one-time or monthly donation – any amount helps!

Donate online here or by mailing a check to the Center for Marxist Education, P.O. Box 390459, Cambridge, MA 02139. Make checks payable to BookMarx. Please note that donations are not tax deductible.

Thank you so much for helping us reach our goal.

In Solidarity,
Center for Marxist Education Steering Committee

Trump Trumps God in 2016

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An August 2007 article in The Economist titled Is America Turning Left? gave a historical draw on the role of the right, especially the Christian right, in shaping American politics. It started off by stating:

            The most conservative president [George W. Bush] in recent history, a man who sought to turn his  victories of 2000 and 2004 into a Republican hegemony, may well end up driving the Western world’s most impressive political machine off a cliff.

In 2004, the Republican Party aimed to distract voters from a slipping United States economy and two foreign wars by making faith a part of its platform. That year many states put issues such as gay marriage on the ballot, urging faith-based voters to cast a vote defining marriage between a man and a woman. Such 2004 right-wing fervor still exist in politics and churches, but the post-Barack Obama era appears to have weakened the base of Christian-Republicans. Traditional Republican candidates quickly dissipated in this past election season. And though Donald Trump promises to appoint conservative judges to the bench, many suspect this is a ploy to maintain Christian Republicans.

If one turned their television to a religious station or attended a church service, they might hear how America is moving down an immoral path to being the next Sodom and Gomorrah. Trump, however, has placed distanced from such language in electing to use nationalism over religion, as noted by his campaign slogan: “Make America Great Again”.

Trump’s jingoistic language differs from the Puritanical faith-based thinking of past, which has garnered historical attention for centuries, starting with Jonathan Edwards and George Whitefield, movers of the First Great Awakening, which also cemented the South as the Bible Belt. Starting in the late 1970s, those who supported Barry Goldwater in 1964, unified to shape mass politics. Goldwater was the standard-bearer of the New Right Republican Party. Goldwater engineered a disgruntled white Conservative population fearing the United States was becoming too liberal. This emerging Republican population consisted of conservative ideologues, fundamentalist Christians, and populist voters who deplored the liberal social, political, and economic trends of the 1960s and hoped to change it. Many of them were against the civil rights legislation, arguing that they were unconstitutional as they undermined states’ rights.

Just like the First and Second Great Awakening of the 18th and 19th century, evangelical leaders were content to combat what they called the forces of Satan, by asking all believers to join in an attempt to save the souls of the lost. This action took place during religious crusades and revivals. By the Fourth Great Awakening, there was no need to rally the troops at revival camp meetings. A quick hit of a TV button had the religious right advocating for political candidates and against what they saw as the sins of liberalism. It was Richard Viguerie, a right-wing publicist, who marshaled the power of the computerized direct-mail advertising as a New Right unifier. This, as well as the message of Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority, served as an impetus to fighting leftism.

Yet in 2016 the religious right has given their soul to Trump – not God. As I recently noted, Evangelical Christians in America must decide if they really value religious freedom or just the religious freedom of Jesus. If they value the latter — there will be a generational rebellion against them, and thus their purpose of Jesus sharing will die, as far too many right-wing Christian evangelicals have not sided with the love and empathy of Christ, but identity politics.

Christ from the Hood

Today I am preparing a lesson/presentation titled “Why Christ was a Black Man from the Hood” as I teach a class hosted by my English department friend and colleague. I am ready to challenge students’ concept regarding the color of Christ and the modern relevancy of such day-to-day notions regarding the abstract conscious that drives our racial attitudes. I might just scare the hell out of them with this meme:

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